The International Police Executive Symposium (IPES) brings police researchers and practitioners together to facilitate cross-cultural, international and interdisciplinary exchanges for the enrichment of the policing profession. It encourages discussions and writing on challenging topics of contemporary importance through an array of initiatives including conferences and publications.

Executive Summaries

The 21st Annual Meeting of the
"INTERNATIONAL POLICE EXECUTIVE SYMPOSIUM"

Theme: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN PUBLIC SAFETY AND SECURITY

Executive Summary written by David Baker
Monash University
and Official Recorder for 21st IPES meeting, Karlskrona, August 2011



The Twenty-First International Police Executive Symposium was held in Karlskona, Sweden (Blekinge County), at the Blekinge Institute of Technology, from 10 -14 August 2011. The theme of this special meeting was “Contemporary Issues in Public Safety and Security”. The co-hosts were Commissioner Per Svartz of the Blekinge County Police and Vice Chancellor Dr. Ursula Hass of the Blekinge Institute of Technology. The chair was Dr Darryl Plecas, Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of the Fraser Valley. Delegates from more than 15 nations met at Blekinge Institute of Technology for the meeting.
The delegates at this special IPES meeting were welcomed at a reception by the Mayor of Blekinge at the Provincial Government House. A welcoming dinner was enjoyed at the Blekinge Naval Museum. On the Thursday evening, delegates were transported by bus to the Outlook Hill where dinner was held at the Restaurang Utkiken, which had a panoramic view of Karlskrona. On the Friday evening, delegates went by boat to the Drottningskärs Castle for dinner. The Saturday was devoted to sightseeing and entertainment, including Eriksberg Nature Park and the Ronneby Brunnspark. Dinner was held at the Hotel Scandic. The great Swedish hospitality encouraged an atmosphere for many discussions and debates.
Blekinge County is in the south of Sweden, whose population is approximately nine million people who are policed by 23,000 officers. The Blekinge County comprises approximately 150,000 people. It borders the Counties of Skåne, Kronoberg, Kalmar and the Baltic Sea. The capital is Karlskrona, population approximately 33,000. It is the smallest of the administrative counties of Sweden, covering only 0.7 % of the total area.
The Blekinge County Police force consists of 283 police, plus 72 civilian employees, for a total of 355.  Blekinge Police, one of the smallest police authorities in Sweden, has a traditional police organisation, structure and hierarchy. There are twenty-one separate police authorities in Sweden each of which receive support from neighbouring counties when required. These police authorities are moving towards the establishment of one national authority, a political outcome that Commissioner Svartz predicts to eventuate in about five years time.
During the symposium, police practitioners, academics and researchers from various parts of the world made detailed presentations at various sessions and participated in both formal and informal discussions about a range of topics. Considerable opportunities were provided for the sharing of both research methodologies and practical endeavours to improve public safety and security. The symposium focused on police, their thinking about contemporary practices and challenges. The IPES participants all shared the desire to seek what works best in policing to establish and ensure community safety.
Significant themes emerged from the paper presentations, powerpoint displays and discussions during the symposium. Discussion centred on the will to establish safer communities, but the general consensus was that this will always be a work-in-progress, and success would take time and commitment. Evidence-based research methodologies,  citizen surveys and observations, and rapid advances in technology were viewed as vital instruments in improving safety of communities.  The need to combine research and practice is fundamental for improving policing outcomes.  The symposium aired many practical and pragmatic examples of implementing change, especially in internet crime and cybercrime. A wholistic approach, commitment and persistence in achieving worthwhile changes are advocated.  Often the issue of “trust” in police emerged as essential ingredient for policing partnerships with communities to enhance public safety and security, and thus quality of life.
Some of the key issues and themes that were discussed in the meeting included:

  • Initiatives and programs to improve police efficiency and effectiveness in the 21st century
  • Best practice in public order policing, especially the policing of major events
  • Initiatives and strategies to enhance public safety and international security
  • Re-examination of certain police practices and strategies
  • Strategies to combat internet crimes and cybercrimes
  • A range of country perspectives.

In the official opening, IPES President Dilip Das, referring to the classic work of Herman Goldstein (1977), encouraged delegates to view all police as leaders and “thinkers” in their quest to develop public safety and security.
In his welcoming address, Commissioner Per Svartz, Blekinge County Police, raised pertinent issues about public safety which covered the spectrum from the apparently solo extreme right-wing terrorist attack in Oslo in July 2011 to public disturbances that caused the abandonment of two soccer matches in Malmo, Sweden, earlier in 2011.  He also referred to the urban riots in Britain in August 2011, and previous disturbances in Paris and Stockholm. Commissioner Svartz recommended that academics and practitioners pay due heed to both “old” and “new” knowledge when planning appropriate crime prevention measures to ensure safer communities.

Session 1: Initiatives to Improve Police Efficiency and Effectiveness
Commissioner Svartz (2011) provided the first panel session presentation on “Lessons Learnt from Community Policing and Operational Use of Citizen Satisfaction Studies” as a guide to local policing and its problem-oriented police operations on the streets. These surveys, based on collective rather than individual responses, featured local concerns, and the customers’ perspective of police actions. A retired Superintendent detailed how Karlskrona was transformed from a perceived unsafe city to a safe one, with considerably less assaults in the Karlskrona CBD in 2011 than in 2004. As a result of the customer surveys, police in Karlskrona  had  identified and monitored “hot spots”; wore reflective yellow vests for high visibility at night around hotels and discos; established voluntary night patrols; assisted environmental improvements such as security walks; used powers in relation to alcoholism and drunkenness as crime prevention tools to detain drunken people for eight hours; and collaborated with stakeholders including doormen at hotels and clubs. The citizen surveys formed the base line for police action in curbing alcohol-fuelled violence in the Karlskrona CBD.
Angela Workman-Stark, Royal Canadian Mounted Police and academic, explored the meaning of a legitimate police organisation and how the concept of police legitimacy impacted upon efforts to improve police effectiveness. The police legitimacy theory implies that when the public perceive the police to be legitimate authorities, they are more likely to voluntarily comply with the law and to cooperate with the police. Workman-Stark argued that low legitimacy clearly has a negative impact on police effectiveness. Police rely on adequate public support and cooperation to perform their mandated role in society. A trusting public are more likely to invest police with greater cooperation, support and revenue. The procedural justice policing model offers scope for establishing police fairness, trust and legitimacy (Hinds & Murphy, 2007; Reisig & Lloyd 2009). Police effectiveness needs to be measured in terms of evaluations of public confidence and trust, and balanced by the traditional indices of police performance.
Also concerned with policing effectiveness, Darryl Plecas (2011) focused on crime reduction research in Canada and elsewhere. He lauded the crime reduction work of Gary Bass, Deputy Commissioner of the Pacific Region and Commanding Officer of E Division for the RCMP in British Columbia. He was instrumental in establishing the British Columbia crime reduction model that has brought the most significant crime reduction in Canadian history. This crime reduction model initiative (similar to problem-oriented policing that has emerged in nations such as parts of the USA, the United Kingdom and Australia, but with different results) centres on known prolific offenders, based on the criminological theory that getting them off the streets will reduce crime significantly. The model ensures that all social agencies including health care, education, social services, housing, and children and families agencies are directly involved in treating such offenders to increase their chances of rehabilitation.
            Some Canadian cities have been beset by high crime rates, low clearance rates, eroding response capacity and effectiveness, declining public confidence, and shrinking resources. Vancouver was depicted as the property crime capital in Canada. Crime was escalating out of control and clearance rates were low. Costs of investigation and investigations were spiralling (for instance, the notorious “pig farmer case” cost $164 million Canadian to investigate). Declining public confidence in policing was associated with shrinking financial resources (Plecas 2011). However, there were success stories elsewhere: the “great successes” of New York’s capacity to clean up the city to become a safe place to be, and some spectacular crime reduction strategies and initiatives in the United Kingdom. Deputy Commissioner Bass instigated the vigorous crime reduction model in British Columbia that envisaged police as one stakeholder amongst a number who worked collaboratively to achieve results. Plecas (2011) claims that British Columbia in recent years has  had three times the crime reduction of other parts of Canada. He confidently estimated that crime will “plummet” in British Columbia over the next five years by at least another 50%. The one limitation would be government reduction in law enforcement resources.
Plecas (2011) identified key factors that contribute to crime reduction:

  • Committed partnerships between police and communities create results, when prepared to be decisive and contribute resources. The RCMP acted as the facilitator and community motivator.
  • Evidence-based and information-led approaches yield knowledge for action and evaluation of programs.
  • An easily accessible, single information data base is required for police organisation (at present, Toronto Police has over 800 databases). Intelligence analysts should share information across police districts.
  • Leadership is vitally important as the leader directs and motivates the crime reduction initiative.  Police chiefs need to be held responsible for performance and removed if crime reduction fails to be accomplished.
  • The focus should be on the offenders as most crime is committed by a relatively small group of people who need to be removed from society until rehabilitated.
  • Agencies, police and others, need to cooperate and share information. In order to improve police performance in crime reduction, criminal justice academics should have access to appropriate police data in order to assist police planning.

Session 2: Policing Major Events
Michael Palmiotto (2011) introduced the second panel session on public order policing, especially the policing of major events. He argued that football matches represented national animosities and hence were potential events for violence and ethnocentric hostilities. He spoke on behalf of the research of Dusko Vejnovic and Velibor Lalic (Herzegovina) that examines the policing of football violence and ethnic hatred in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Continuing the context of violence at sporting events, the detailed paper of Branislav Simonovic, Zoran Durdevic and Bozidar Otasevic (Serbia) examined the European Standards of Police Procedures and Practices in Serbia. Although England has encountered much violent behaviour at football matches, this form of violence has quickly spread worldwide (Kozarev, 2007: 76). Violence and unruly behaviour at sporting events, particularly at football matches, is an international problem and it is now present in all European countries. While football violence is prevalent in Europe, the USA is experiencing spontaneous, unorganized violence (Madensen, Eck: 2008: 2). The objective of this presentation was to construct international standards of police conduct in dealing with the problems of violence at sporting events, especially at football matches, and their implementation in Serbia. The paper presents the legal solutions adopted in the Republic of Serbia with the aim of creating a framework for more effective countering of violence. The authors made suggestions about what needs to be done to reduce violence at sporting events, as well as measures that the Police of the Republic of Serbia are undertaking to increase their effectiveness in preventing violence. They argue that as the problem of violence at sporting events is becoming more complex, the greater is the need for specialized personnel and specialized organizational units within the police, prosecution and the courts. Serbia needs to introduce contemporary European standards of police procedure to control of violence and hooliganism at sports events.
Rather than analysing violent clashes between police and protesters, David Baker’s presentation (2011) highlighted attempts by both police and protesters to avoid violence at major disputes and protests. Historically, public order clashes between police and protesters in Australia were intermittent and erratic, but police responses were often repressive and violent. By the 1990s, most police leadership was advocating communication, negotiated management and a less coercive approach to large-scale protests. This paper argued that policing responded to differing protest contexts and behaviours. It explored the markedly diverse policing of contemporary demonstrations in Australia which involved limited violent confrontation.
The 1998 Maritime Union of Australia (MUA) industrial dispute saw modern-day police leaders aware of the risks of attempting to crash through mass picketing. Similarly, union leaders saw the folly of physical confrontation with police, who were not the adversary in disputes (Baker 2005).  However, police still largely conducted order maintenance and peace-keeping on their own terms (Waddington, 1994). Police determine what is acceptable and unacceptable behaviour at the union picket-line; therefore police negotiate the ground rules from a position of superiority. Police adopted “softer” policing tactics during the prolonged MUA dispute partly because their desired results matched union needs to avoid violence. From both unionist and police perspectives, the traditional pitched battles are dinosaurs of a distant past.
The policing of the APEC summit in the Sydney CBD of 2-9 September 2007 represented the largest security operation in Australia’s history. During APEC preparation, terrorism fears meshed with plans to control protest activism directed at foreign dignitaries. APEC presented NSW Police with a unique array of circumstances and challenges as the Force prepared to balance the lawful right for peaceful protest with the public safety and the security of 21 world leaders accompanied by 5000 officials and 1500 international journalists.
“Show” – displays of force and messages of danger – was central to police APEC preparations.  The early intervention strategy meant that police would not allow agitation to fester. The Public Order Riot Squad (PORS) tactic involved quick, surgical, direct and precise removal of identified troublemakers from the scene. Police-military exercises, including a fortnight-long operation, were staged prior to APEC, a display of strength to discourage dissent. Prior to APEC, PORS displayed its state of the art riot technology: a fleet of ten black Hummers specially-equipped with sidewalks; special broad horizon cameras; disorientating high-beam torches, high-speed boats and modified helicopters. Two weeks prior to APEC, the NSW Police Force had on show its newly-acquired intimidating $700,000 water cannon vehicle. The water cannon was not used, but it was available and, more importantly, known to be ready for deployment.
In a less violent setting than many European and American counter summit confrontations, APEC 2007 saw senior police and other security officials who were empowered with unprecedented powers and who instigated extensive “exclusionary zones” (security perimeter) that covered most of the Sydney business district. Sydney was a sight of empty streets with concrete barriers, a five-kilometre 2.8 metre high fence, riot squad sharpshooters and helicopters. In accordance with some European public order strategies “tending to exclusion instead of inclusion” (della Porta et al., 2006, p.37), the objective was to prevent violence and confrontation by keeping potential protesters away from the proximity of APEC delegates. Police had used force, not in the overt physical sense, but rather by subtle tactics to restrict movement and thereby limit the possibilities of mass gatherings encountering and confronting police (Creenaune, 2007, p.29).  According to Baker (2011, 2008), the threat of police force, rather than its actual implementation, restrained potential protest participation and limited violence. Police dialogue with union organisers and protest leaders is now accepted practice in Australia, with the exception of extreme militants. Exclusionary zones have been tried and found effective in preventing confrontation at some major protest events but the negative is the potential deterrence to genuine protest expression and activity. Protest in Australia takes place in distinctive geographic and political contexts and the general Australian police experience is that only a minority engages in unlawful protest behaviour.
By contrast, Mamdooh Abelmottlep (2011) provided a contemporary analysis of the EgyptianPolice response to the Egyptian Revolution of 25 January 2011 when demonstrators inspired a revolution that culminated in regime change and the ousting of President Hosni Mubarak. Abelmottlep argues that police violence and abusiveness toward the demonstrators turned them into an angry mob, further exacerbating their hostility toward the government resulting in the fall of the Mubarak regime. In the early stages of the crisis, Egypt was reliant on its police, who had no clear understanding of how to confront and control a modern large protest movement. He argues that the Egyptian police service is in need of both drastic reform and transformation from being a mere security tool of government to a professional police force charged with serving the public. His practical recommendations for modernization of the Egyptian police include: the police service should be placed under the control of elected officials; the concept of a civilian policing should be promoted; a culture of excellence, innovation and creativity needs to be fostered; the internal organizational structure needs modernization; police training and education must be reformed; technological utilization to be increased in policing; some police services should be privatized and new security and public safety strategies should be adopted (Abelmottlep 2011). Such reforms would allow the police to focus on the core business of public safety, crime prevention and other policing services.

Session 3: Enhancing Public Safety.
Anthony Minnaar (2011) analysed community safety initiatives and the use of CCTV surveillance in residential neighbourhoods of South Africa. He argued that CCTV was more prevalent in the more affluent districts of South Africa because it fulfilled a void caused by the lack of service provided by the public police. The increasing number of ‘stand-alone’ communities needs to be integrated within the relevant city systems. Minnaar raises the pertinent conundrum of why there is such widespread acceptance of such pervasive security and the willingness of citizens to pay for it. The answer, he suggests, lies in the fact that many South Africans are weary of being repeatedly victims of crime and that they desire a safer and more secure future. South Africa Police need to considerably improve response action times if general public safety is to be enhanced.
According to Leandri van Jaarsveld (2011), violence in schools in South Africa is escalating. In order to improve security in schools, she argues that a "safer school model” must be developed to protect scholars, teachers and property. She claims that schools are ill-prepared for any disasters or acts of violence; therefore, greater security measures are needed to improve student safety.
Sarika Sewpersad (2011), also from South Africa, discussed the problem of securing and combating the “bombing” of Automated Teller Machines, a scourge in South Africa. Between April 2007 and March 2009, 819 bombings took place, most of which were successful. The South Africa Banking Risk Information Centre has advocated various strategies:

  • Banknote Watch
  • Bounty hunters (private investigators to utilise underworld sources)
  • MEMEX data sharing 
  • ATM alarms
  • Roller-shutter doors at ATMs.

Petter Gottschalk’s presentation (2011a) on fighting white collar explored statistical differences between occupational crime and corporate crime. White-collar criminals are individuals who tend to be wealthy, highly educated, and socially connected, and they are typically employed by and in legitimate organizations. White-collar crime is a violation of the law committed by one holding a position of respect and authority in the community who uses his or her legitimate occupation to commit financial crime (Eicher, 2009). Largely individuals or small groups in connection with their jobs commit occupational crime. It includes embezzling from an employer, theft of merchandise, income tax evasion, and manipulation of sales, fraud, and violations in the sale of securities (Bookman, 2008). Corporate crime, on the other hand, is enacted by collectivities or aggregates of discrete individuals. A corporation cannot be jailed, and therefore, the majority of penalties to control individual violators are not available for corporations and corporate crime (Bookman, 2008). Occupational crime occurs when the white-collar offender acts self-servingly to further private interests or the interests of a group of persons in a corporation. Corporate crime occurs when the offender acts on behalf of the corporation with the intention of protecting or enhancing the interests of the corporation (Blickle et al., 2006). According to Garoupa (2007), corporations can more easily corrupt enforcers, regulators and judges, and manipulate politicians and the media, as compared to individuals. Corporations are better organized, are wealthier and benefit from economies of scale in corruption. While occupational crime is associated with “bad apples”, corporate crime is associated with systems failure. (Heath, 2008)
Gottschalk’s paper, based on an empirical study of white-collar criminals, addresses the research question: What differences can be found between white-collar criminals convicted of occupational crime versus white-collar criminals convicted of corporate crime? The research analysed data from articles in Norwegian financial newspapers for one year from early 2010 to early 2011 where a total of 74 white-collar criminals convicted to jail sentence were identified. In money terms, the corporate criminal made more than twice as much as the occupational criminal, but occupational crime, nevertheless, was judged more severe in terms of imprisonment.  Despite short jail sentences, white-collar crime cases are taken seriously by the court system as well as the prison service. The research indicates that corporate criminals are involved in more severe crime when measured in the money amount involved, and corporate criminals pay much more income tax to public authorities. The research results suggest that corporate criminals receive a shorter sentence in terms of imprisonment, even when their crime involves more money than for occupational criminals.

Session 4: Re-Thinking Police Practice
This session highlighted some reassessments in terms of police thinking and practice. Anna Das spoke of advances in evidence-based medicine and the place of case-studies, which elicited comparisons with possibilities for evidence-based policing.
Anne-Claire Larsen’s in-depth case-study critique of police interrogation methods explored the legal and ethical requirements for a voluntary confession. This paper, in conjunction with Peter Milnes and Michael Crowley (2011), investigates how impartiality was violated in the Perth case of Dante Arthurs where parts of a confession involving a child’s murder were deemed involuntary. In 2003, a young girl was assaulted in Perth, Western Australia. Arthurs was taken into police custody and interviewed; but, the police record of interview was deemed inadmissible as evidence in court because the police were “too aggressive in questioning” (Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 2007). The charge was dropped. Three years later, Arthurs was again taken into police custody and interviewed following an eight year old girl’s murder in a local shopping centre (O’Connell, 2009). Detectives once again failed to meet police interviewing standards for impartiality and parts of Arthurs’ second interview were deemed inadmissible.
As long as the discourse principle of regulated bargaining and ensured “fairness”  (Habermas,1996, p.166) between police and accused is maintained, then the standard of impartiality was maintained. The dividing line between ethical and improper conduct was crossed when police questioning became “very repetitive, very leading and persistent” (Arthurs v The State of Western Australia 209 55 WASC 2007) and they did not grant Arthurs repeated requests for a lawyer. Police had one goal – a confession.
Despite the police failings, Arthurs pleaded guilty on Monday the 19th September 2007 and is now serving a 15 year prison term for unlawful detainment and murder. Larsen et al (2011) describe the steps taken by the Western Australian Police to regain public trust following this atypical violation that outraged Western Australians. Like the Stephen Lawrence case in the UK, police mishandling of interrogations required exposure before policy changes were introduced in WA Academy training. The paper advocates consideration of the ethical issues and the necessity for police detectives to hold their temper in spite of provocation. The practice of personal insight and the ability to monitor emotional excess in spite of extreme provocation requires attention within Police Academy curriculum.
Though the detectives were pressured to find the killer, believed they had their man and were frustrated by Arthurs’ lack of cooperation, they were still obliged to remain impartial, despite their considered knowledge that he was guilty. There were few practical guidelines to assist the police who relied on informal “know-how”, knowledge that does not require police officers to consider the ethical considerations of their actions, examine their emotions or encourage impartiality. Instead, “know-how” is informed by “war-stories” or individual police “life-world” experience that fails to inhibit words and deeds. The paper concludes that the ability to secure voluntary confessions by learning and practicing the virtue of impartiality, the art of listening and getting someone to talk without coercion is required of each police officer. Interrogation training, which overlooks ethical sentiments and emotional tendencies, is likely to have limited success in preventing improper police conduct and lead to miscarriages of justice (Larsen et al 2011).
Diana Bruns’ presentation (2011) related to assessing the worth of a college degree on police performance, job satisfaction and behaviour. She poses a perennial question: is the degree important?  For nearly a century, there have been long-standing disputes and debates pertaining to the worth, relevance and necessity of college-educated police officers. Measurement of police performance differs in various studies and there is no consensus on exactly how it should be measured. Although prior studies have focused on higher education and police behavior and attitudes, and other performance-related issues, they suffered from poor methodological designs (Carter, Sapp & Stephens, 1988; Hudzick, 1978; Sanderson, 1977) .In the USA, less than 1% of police departments require a college degree (U.S. Dept. of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics Local Police Departments, 2007).Even though most police departments do not require that recruits possess a college degree, college-degree officers are preferred. By 2010, 25-30% of police officers had attained a four-year degree (Reaves, 2010)
The purpose of the study was to determine the relationship between different educational levels and police performance. A key implication is how police administrators can sustain the college educated officer’s level of job satisfaction. The study’s methodology included 12 municipal police departments and the instrument of measurement consisted of self-report surveys. Findings cannot be generalized to police departments across the USA because this study did not involve a random sample of officers.
Some of the main reported findings included:

  • Over 42% of officers reported a desire to further their education beyond their current level of education although 65% of their respective departments did not have a policy linking advanced education with promotion.
  • Over 75% of the officers intended to remain in their occupations between 20 and 30 years, even though only 52% reported being very satisfied or satisfied with their police departments.
  • College-educated officers use force less often, more often, or just as often as less-educated officers (Sherman et al, 1978).
  • There were small or non-significant differences among educational attainment relative to the number of citizen complaints an officer receives.  It could be speculated that complaints have nothing to do with education.
  • Job satisfaction decreases  (with departments) as officers achieve higher levels of educational attainment.
  • As officers age, they become more satisfied with both their police departments and policing careers, whereas younger officers are less satisfied with their police departments.
  • Despite lack of departmental requirements, officers in the sample, have elected to earn college degrees.

In terms of police re-thinking practice, Mark Fallon (2011), program manager of the Qatar International Academy for Security Studies (QIASS), addressed the IPES meeting about strategic approaches to countering violent terrorism. The QIASS Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) Risk Reduction Project was a descriptive, exploratory study, not just of “deradicalization” or “terrorist rehabilitation” programs, but also of strategic counter‐terrorism approaches in France, Indonesia, Northern Ireland, Singapore and Great Britain. Reducing the risk of engagement (and/or re‐engagement) in terrorism was the key and singularly the common feature across this array of programs. These collective efforts could appropriately be referred to as “risk reduction” initiatives (Horgan & Braddock, 2010). Some practical observations to emerge from the project, included:
• In countering violent extremism, one size does not fit all (or even most). Local knowledge, with local police acting as prime sensors, is often a good place to start; extremism is not always driven by the explicit ideology or the “cause.”
• Most of the studied countries have a goal in mind, but few have a clearly defined strategy for how to get there.
• It helps to be explicit and clear about those objectives, how they will be measured, and which ones to pursue.
• Nearly everyone thinks systematic program evaluations are important, but a critical deficiency in this global effort is that no one does them.
• Systems and interagency relationships and partnerships are critical for any degree of satisfaction or success (Fallon 2011).
• Countries seeking to address the problem of violent extremism at a strategic level should carefully examine “hot spot” areas and conditions that might exist locally. They should critique a state’s own actions, inactions, or reactions which might be fueling radicalization rather than mitigating militant sentiments.R International
Resource for Countering Violent
Jorgen Lundalv and Lars Olov Sjostrom (2011) presented a content analysis of the Swedish case laws and doctrines in relation to death caused in connection with motor vehicle accidents. Lundalv spoke about compulsory rehabilitation for drink drivers and alcohol and drugs being aggravating factors in driving deaths. The presentation made specific recommendations:

  • Mandatory to conduct pre-sentence reports for the courts;
  • Establish a monitoring program for those in the early stages with alcohol problems;
  • Introduce alcohol-ignition interlocks (alcolocks) for drink driving offender programs, school buses and specified vehicles.

Session 5: Crime and the Internet
Bengt Svenson (2011), the National Commissioner of the Swedish Police, had opened the second day of the proceedings by highlighting the nexus between crime and the internet. Commissioner Svenson’s address concerned with crime prevention, reflected on the recent tragic Oslo events as being “impossible to comprehend such hatred and violence”.  Like others at the meeting, he was a loss to how it could occur in Norway. Modern communications and organisations were depicted as a boon to modern society but increased movement and advancing technologies can create problems, the Oslo tragedy and terrorist massacre revealing the “darker side” of how the internet can be used. The National Commissioner revealed how police need to be able to utilize modern computer technologies, especially for intelligence gathering and analysis, and social media, especially in order to better communicate with the younger generation and to meet them on “their own ground”. The National Commissioner of Police expressed the necessity for the Swedish police agencies to develop extensive and detailed international cooperation with policing and other law enforcement organisations to avert violent crime.
Commissioner Svenson’s theme of crime and the internet was explored in the panel session. Mehraj Uddin (2011) reflected upon internet crimes in India and the problems that law-enforcers faced in dealing with such criminal behaviour. India, one of the oldest countries in the world, has a federal structure governed by its constitution. The control of information ─ and the internet is so powerful in this regard today ─ creates the control of knowledge from which the power to command flows. Uddin (2011) outlined the types of cybercrime in operation and attempts to control its proliferation. He argued that cybercriminals have attained considerably more expertise, especially in terms of technical know-how than the law enforcers entrusted to deal with cybercrime. This situation is exacerbated by corruption practices of  cybercriminals  “greasing the palm” of senior criminal justice officials. According to Uddin, the 2000 Information Technology Act, which defined various forms of cybercrime and despite later amendments as late as April 2011, has become ineffective against the advanced expertise of the criminal minds.
Petter Gottschalk (2011b) presented the findings of an online grooming project, the largest of its nature to date. Child grooming is a process that commences when offenders take a particular interest in the child and make them feel special with the intention of forming a bond ultimately to engage in or submit to sexual contact with the offender. The internet has greatly facilitated this process. The focus of the knowledge-enhancement project was on the offender. The methodology involved interviews with offenders that revealed unhappy childhoods, addiction to the internet and the belief that no victims were involved.
A presentation authored by Elz Dunkels, Gun-Marie Fanberg and Camilla Hallgren (2011) further enhanced the theme of crime and internet by exploring  young people and online risk. The authors referred to how many children keep their parents “out of the loop” when it comes to internet usage. Many child victims of complex online sexual crimes are confronted by their perpetrators more than once on the internet. Most perpetrators of sexual online crime were portrayed as family or acquainted with the victim.
James Lewis (2011) presented a detailed, informative and technical paper on the “Tools and Techniques Used to Commit and Conceal Cybercrimes”. He revealed the diversity, range and widely distributed nature of computer hacking in the 21st century. Computer hacking is defined as the logical manipulation of systems of computers. Lewis argued that professional hackers were employing new tools and techniques on a very regular basis. His concluding advice to law enforcers was that if you were in the law enforcement business, you should contact local academic institutions so that law enforcement can become involved with and utilize advanced technology programs to combat illegal cyber tools and techniques.
Felix Wu presented a complex paper entitled “Trustworthy Social Informatics” on behalf of Hendric Johnsson and himself (2011). He advocated the benefits of a communication system to assist law enforcement and community security in general. Vulnerability resides in the medium. He raised the fundamental question of how trustworthy is the information downloaded from the internet. The paper explored global connections and relationships from the perspective of internet communications. Social relationships abound through the internet: relationships for help, information, talk, trust. Wu demonstrated some possibilities of social network transportations and possible controls of interaction.
In the final panel session, Keye Abonia and Rita Emisen presented on “Policing Issues in Nigeria” on behalf of Rita Emisem, Yomi Oscar, Lay Oh, Keye Abonia, Adea Kanji, Ader Into, and Oyesoji Aremu (2011). Nigeria, a country with more than 250 ethnic groups, was portrayed as a vast country with serious crime and safety issues confronting the criminal justice institutions. The startling figure was stated that there is one police officer for approximately every 1,000 people.

Conclusion
IPES President Dilip Das concluded the meeting by thanking the gracious hosts and organisers of the Twenty-First International Police Executive Symposium. Members from the participating countries learnt about best practices for enhancing public safety in the contemporary world.
The 21st IPES meeting saw both practitioners and academics collaboratively thinking and reflecting about police policies, practices and strategies in relation to public safety and security. A strong commitment emerged from the meeting to improve safety ranging from the local to the global community. Enhancing safety and security is perceived as a work-in-progress, an on-going attempt to improve individual and community perceptions and realities. Persistence is needed to achieve positive change in a rapidly changing world. Cybercrime was one problem highlighted that requires research, intelligence analysis and practical solutions. Fundamental to community safety and security is the notion of “trust”: both community trust in the police which is advantageous for public safety and police having trust in their communities so that they can achieve greater results. The common nexus between research and practice was important to the IPES deliberations; just as evidence-based policing is vital in the 21st century, so also, evidence is the basis of much academic research. Practical policing reforms stem from research, evidence gathering and analysis. The meeting revealed the benefit of police and academics sharing knowledge in order to improve public safety and security.

References
Abelmottlep, M. 2011. “The Egyptian Revolution: An Analysis of the EgyptianPolice Response”. Presentation at the 21st Annual International Police Executive Symposium, Karlskrona.
Larsen, A-C., Milnes, P. and Crowley, M. 2011 draft. “Crossing the line in police interrogations”.
Australian Broadcasting Corporation. 2007. “Police blame for allowing child killer to escape sex charges Dante Arthurs Sofia Rodriguez Urrutia Shu”, 7 November.
Baker, D. 2005. Batons and Blockades: Policing Industrial Disputes in Australasia. Melbourne: Circa.
Baker, D. 2008. “Paradoxes of policing and protest”. Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism, 3(2), 8-22.
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